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Whereas operating at Mirador in the course of the 1965
season (Agrinier 1970), I made a brief in¬
vestigation of the close by website of Miramar, ex¬
ploring the floor and making 5 try pits.
My goal used to be to make a initial eval¬
uation of the cultural and chronological posi¬
tion of Miramar with relation to Mirador.
The destinations for the attempt pits have been selected
for their power ceramic stratigraphy, with
an goal to steer clear of different cultural beneficial properties,
such as masonry partitions, caches, and burials.
However, in the case of Pit 2, my intentions
were diverted; the mass burial I encountered
there occupied me for such a lot of the brief sea¬
son, from the center of may possibly to the first days
of June, 1965. different brief explorations I
made in 1973 and 1974 additional a few extra

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Extra resources for A sacrificial mass burial at Miramar, Chiapas, Mexico

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1 As indicated by the numerous papers in the current volume that raise this as an issue of central concern, the uncritical acceptance of sex and gender as natural and unchanging phenomena continues to shape much of the research in prehistoric archaeology today. Twenty years after Engendering Archaeology, biological differences between males and females are still widely regarded (implicitly or otherwise) as fundamental determinants of gendered behavior, both in the past and in the present. A second factor restricting the acceptance of gendered perspectives in prehistoric archaeology lies in the persistent inequality between men and women in the archaeological workplace, the result of gender discrimination on a global scale over the course of many generations (Nelson et al.

27:577); Bolger maintains that “archaeological research, when based unreflectively on broad ethnographic analogies, serves to distort rather than clarify gendered patterns of task differentiation” (chap. 8:165); and Hays-Gilpin, quoting Helskog (2001:248), observes that “analogies do not explain specific prehistoric traditions and processes or how the phenomena came about” (chap. 6:125). Scepticism among prehistorians with regard to use of ethnographic data, even when applied judiciously, has increased significantly over the last decade, as a concern with contextual analysis has increased.

Most prehistorians today make some attempt to avoid the distorting “lenses of gender” (androcentrism, gender polarization, and biological essentialism, as defined by Bem 1993), and gender archaeologists are continuing to develop new methods for investigating the ways in which past societies defined gender roles, constructed gender identities, and naturalized or legitimized gender differences; much of this research is being conducted within the framework of postmodern feminist theory. What then remains of earlier archaeological research on gender, which was grounded in feminist theory and active political engagement?

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A sacrificial mass burial at Miramar, Chiapas, Mexico by Pierre AGRINIER

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